JOHN IKENBERRY AFTER VICTORY PDF

Start your review of After Victory: Order and Power in International Politics Write a review Oct 26, Dewey rated it liked it In After Victory, John Ikenberry examines the attempts of states to create lasting peace through international order after major wars. Arguing that major wars create a new distribution of power, Ikenberry contends that winning states have increasingly had incentives to exercise strategic restraint in post-war agreements to lock-in long-term influence in the international order through institutions that preserve and maintain existing power structures. Ikenberrys empirical analysis of the In After Victory, John Ikenberry examines the attempts of states to create lasting peace through international order after major wars. While the three post-war cases presented do not all perfectly fit the constitutional order that best implements strategic constraints on power, Ikenberry effectively shows that winning states have sought to develop a more durable world order by creating binding agreements, that by placing limits on state power can create peace.

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January 1, Dewey In After Victory, John Ikenberry examines the attempts of states to create lasting peace through international order after major wars.

Arguing that major wars create a new distribution of power, Ikenberry contends that winning states have increasingly had incentives to exercise strategic restraint in post-war agreements to lock-in long-term influence in the international order through institutions that preserve and maintain existing power structures.

While the three post-war cases presented do not all perfectly fit the constitutional order that best implements strategic constraints on power, Ikenberry effectively shows that winning states have sought to develop a more durable world order by creating binding agreements, that by placing limits on state power can create peace.

To analyze the three empirical cases, Ikenberry first discusses three different explanatory models of order: balance of power, hegemonic, and constitutional. While Ikenberry predominately uses the constitutional framework, he admits that any of the types of order can exhibit characteristics of another. Ikenberry contends that states will seek to order based on constitutional principles to best conserve power in the long term. Using these frameworks, Ikenberry begins his empirical analysis by looking at the political order that emerged from the Vienna settlement in Moving away from solely balance of power considerations, Britain, the newly hegemonic state, sought to lock in a favorable post-war order and lasting peace by creating legitimacy among all involved states through a pactum de contrehendo.

British subsidies were contingent on allied support of British aims and gave Britain leverage to design the post-war order. Although the Vienna settlement offers evidence of some institutional characteristics, Britain does not appear to have significantly constrained itself in order to lock in the post-war agreement.

In , the United States similarly sought to establish a favorable post-war order by locking states into institutional commitments. Because the United States did not yet possess hegemonic power, its ability to force Britain and France to abandon territorial claims in favor of institutionalism, was limited.

Ikenberry finally examines the peace after The lessons of the peace process coupled with greater American power and domestic acknowledgement that the US needed to prevent European states from going to war with one another led to the creation of significant institutions that have facilitated peace in Europe for over 65 years. The advantage that democratic states have in creating credible commitments due to their democratic processes also exposes them to the vicissitudes of domestic polities.

Democratic governance yields a longer, more precarious process in providing guarantees to other states as in the inability of Britain to provide a general security guarantee in the peace of , the inability of Wilson to convince domestic politicians to sacrifice flexibility and make binding security commitments to Europe in , and the six competing visions for peace by different domestic groups in the US in The book also suggests the importance of a hegemonic state in creating lasting peace.

Finally, US hegemony ameliorated European fears of potential German dominance through security guarantees and granted Europe the ability to rebuild through financial commitments in the Marshall Plan.

While the scope of the book is limited to major wars between great powers, it provides the implications for other wars that peace is limited by the extent that states are able to use the power derived from victory to compel losers to enter into agreements, and get domestic actors to coalesce around strategic restraints. January 1, Raj Agrawal [Disclaimer: This is a snapshot of my thoughts on this book after just reading it. The author [Disclaimer: This is a snapshot of my thoughts on this book after just reading it.

The author appeals often to the realist reader, first by recognizing that states may need incentive in order to enter into institutional agreements, and second, by pointing out how institutions may in fact be a power mechanism.

Ikenberry believes that lesser powers have as much a role to play in the durability of an institution, and also discusses the importance of institutional credibility. My admittedly realist and cynical perspective is that the author should not be so quick to make such a distinction. If this is the case, then it still serves a great power to pursue power and prestige Gilpin , as well as economic strength, for the purposes of being more effective at using soft power such as Ikenberry suggests.

This theory simply seems a more civilized and less costly way of maintaining an international system toward a balance of power Waltz — or perhaps, to pursue even more power Mearsheimer.

Certainly, this theory would be an effective way to balance the international system so that it remains relatively stable — allowing for the powerful to stay powerful and the weak remain relatively weak. This is an articulate perspective on the value of institutions, what types of institutions can be effective control mechanisms after power has been established, and how constitutional characteristics can increase the likelihood of durability. January 1, James Carmichael After Victory attempts to develop a grand theory of how international systems are reorganized after major conflict.

Specifically, it uses three cases to illustrate a theoretical framework for how the newly dominant victors in these conflicts —new hegemons — engage in institutional bargains, what Ikenberry calls the creation of constitutional orders, to secure a stable international order that maximizes the longevity of their dominance while making important concessions to the concerns and intere After Victory attempts to develop a grand theory of how international systems are reorganized after major conflict.

Despite the significant contribution that After Victory clearly represents, it is compromised by two important and separate issues: a weakness at its theoretical heart and a relationship to actual history that is only partially convincing.

This would not be a major problem if his other cases — the British-led settlement after the Napoleonic Wars and the U. This compromises After Victory even in the bounded empirical ambit it sets for itself.

Finally, once one looks forward from now, a moment in which the pressing question does not appear to be reorganization after the abrupt dislocation of a major war but rather what will happen as the U.

January 1, Christopher How political institutions are created and operated is one of the keys to understanding how international affairs in general and foreign policy in particular is created. In this book, Mr. Ikenberry lays out a general thesis of the three different orderings of international affairs balance of power, hegemonic, and constitutional and uses the examples of the post-war orderings of , , , and the post-Cold War period up to to back up his thesis.

This book is good, if not necessaril How political institutions are created and operated is one of the keys to understanding how international affairs in general and foreign policy in particular is created.

This book is good, if not necessarily groundbreaking, and his historical analysis of the reasons for how each post-war ordering was different in each historical instance. And his theory on constitutional international orders, which morphed by the end of the book into institutional international orders is there a difference? But, as I said before, there was nothing necessarily groundbreaking about this work.

January 1, Piker This study of postwar orders does a fine job of describing balance of power, hegemonic, and constitutional systems and how they have been applied after four major conflicts. This is insightful as it is real analysis of international relations seen through a historical lens. The thesis centers around the merits of constitutional order as they This study of postwar orders does a fine job of describing balance of power, hegemonic, and constitutional systems and how they have been applied after four major conflicts.

The thesis centers around the merits of constitutional order as they are most binding of the nations involved and more likely to serve as peaceful orders. A great introduction to international relations. January 1, Nate Huston Excellent discussion of where institutions fit into international relations. January 1, Jon A thorough and interesting explanation of the causal variables in neoliberal IR theory, analyzed through the post-war hegemonic settlements of , , , and January 1, Chantel A little repetitive, but made some good points about how institutions fit into the ordering of states in contrast to the realist balance of power theory.

January 1, J. I remember I had to read chunks of this for an IR class. Very interesting analysis of what to do once you have won a war. January 1, Interesting response to realism. Still outdated though.

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After Victory

Institutions create order in three ways. One, institutions have shared, or mutual agreements, over the rules of the game. Two, these rules set limits on the ability to exercise power. Lastly, once these rules are in place, they are not easily changed Ikenberry The ability of these institutions and a constitutional order to become a stabilizing presence in the international system is due in large part to an expansion of democratic regimes throughout the world. In some ways I think this reflects the conservative bias inherent in realism. Instead, After Victory is an interesting book in the sense that it is a conservative appreciation of institutions.

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John Ikenberry

Here John Ikenberry asks the question, what do states that win wars do with their newfound power and how do they use it to build order? Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, After Victory will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today. He has published widely in the field of international relations and has, most recently, coedited American Democracy Promotion: Impulses, Strategies, and Impacts and The Emerging International Relations of the Asia Pacific Region forthcoming. In this pathbreaking book, Ikenberry draws upon novel theoretical insights and historical experience to determine what policies and strategies work best as the United States attempts to lead in the struggles to create a new world order. A major contribution to IR theory and to thinking about international order. In its theoretical boldness, historical sweep, policy relevance, and sheer elegance of analysis and presentation, few books published in the past quarter-century in the field of international relations are the equal of After Victory. In contrast to realists, for whom international orders are epiphenomenal and transient, and constructivists, who see order emerging from shared worldviews and norms, Ikenberry adopts a historical sociological framework.

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After Victory: Order and Power in International Politics

John Ikenberry The end of the Cold War was a "big bang" in world politics not unlike earlier historical moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in and the end of the World Wars in and Here John Ikenberry asks the question, what do states that win these great conflicts do with their newfound power and how do they use it to build order? In examining the major postwar settlements in modern history, he argues that powerful countries usually seek to build stable and cooperative relations, and often the best way to do this is to restrain the exercise of brute power by operating within multilateral institutions. The author explains that military winners have a long-term interest in the stability of a new world order, since they are the dominant powers within it. Consequently, they limit their own power and coopt other states to create stable and lasting relations. The more institutionalized and self-limiting, the more durable the postwar order. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, After Victory will interest anyone concerned about the organization of world order, the role of institutions in facilitating cooperation, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.

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