John B. Dunlop is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. His current research focuses on the conflict in Chechnya, Russian politics since , Russia and the successor states of the former Soviet Union, Russian nationalism, and the politics of religion in Russia. One perceptive observer of the Russian political scene, Francoise Thom, noted as far back as that fascism, and especially its "Eurasianist" variant, was displacing Russian nationalism among statist Russian elites as a post-communist "Russian Idea," especially in the foreign policy sphere. Euras[ianism] brings an ideological foundation for post-Soviet imperialism.
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This evaluation seemed fair for the year , but since then the situation has clearly changed. Age of vice Dugin became involved in social activities in his late teens, when he joined the underground Yuzhinskiy literary circle, in which occultism, esotericism and fascist mysticism were the subjects of numerous discussions and a way to escape Soviet conformism.
He also believed that a fascist revolution could end the present age of decay, and Eurasia. The ENR has always been a metapolitical movement; rather than aiming to participate in the political process, the ENR tried to pursue a strategy of modifying the postwar liberal democratic political culture. This strategy was adopted from the theory of cultural hegemony of Italian communist Antonio Gramsci The cultural hegemony can be considered as established when the ideology of a contesting political force is perceived as common sense within society.
The ENR thinkers have supplied Dugin with the most important ideological ammunition that he employed to create Neo-Eurasianism. In , Dugin even contested elections to the State Duma, but he obtained less than one per cent of the vote. He founded the International Eurasian genuinely critical of Movement in and was appointed professor at the Moscow State University in From onwards, Putin when Russia was he also became a popular political commentator who allegedly friendly to frequently appeared on prime time talk shows and the United States.
These positions allowed him to bring his Neo-Eurasianist ideas directly to the academic world, whilst using his academic title as a prestigious cover-up for his irrational ideas. Dugin became especially famous in Russia for the Neo-Eurasianist version of classical geopolitics.
According to Dugin, there is an irresolvable confrontation between the Atlanticist world principally the United States and the United Kingdom and Eurasia predominantly Russia, Central and Eastern Europe and Asia that resists the US-led globalisation and ethno-cultural universalisation.
Neo-Eurasianist foreign policy is revisionist, expansionist and implacably opposed to the US. Dugin the political projects reinterpreted the Euro-Soviet Empire as the essentially of Putin and Dugin. Here, Moscow and Berlin are symbols of two geopolitical centres of power.
Ideology for sale Dugin was a staunch opponent of Boris Yeltsin, but hailed the ascent of Vladimir Putin. It seems plausible that Dugin wanted Putin to accept him as the ideologue of Russia and the projected Eurasian Empire. Nevertheless, Dugin was genuinely critical when Putin was allegedly friendly to the United States or Russian liberal economists.
Sure, there are wide circles, layers of people between me and the power structures. Eventually, this version reaches the power structures and they draw upon it as something self-evident, obvious, and easily accessible.
At any rate, he pursues a plan that I elaborate, in which I invest my energy, my whole life. In the s, my discourse seemed mad, eccentric Ukraine as an independent state … constitutes an enormous threat to the whole Eurasia and without the solution of the Ukrainian problem, it is meaningless to talk about continental geopolitics.
Thus, Putin would turn into an enemy of Russian ultranationalists who would have a right to attack his regime. No matter whether Putin planned or did not plan to occupy Ukraine, the Kremlin could not accept such an ultimatum.
Had Putin named any particular guiding ideology, then he would have been challenged intellectually — a battle that he would have been doomed to lose.
Despite the fact that the Kremlin has clearly distanced from Dugin, this does not mean that his Neo-Eurasianism has been condemned. But does Putin support Neo-Eurasianism?
However, it would be wrong to suggest that any of these or similar ideological elements are exclusive to either Putin or Dugin, as they have been embedded in Russian politics for more than a century. Second, Dugin has worked his way up from the eccentric fringes to the Russian socio-cultural mainstream, but his ideology has not changed since the s. What has radically changed is the Russian mainstream political discourse.
The philosopher known as “Putin’s brain” is a big fan of Trump
This evaluation seemed fair for the year , but since then the situation has clearly changed. Age of vice Dugin became involved in social activities in his late teens, when he joined the underground Yuzhinskiy literary circle, in which occultism, esotericism and fascist mysticism were the subjects of numerous discussions and a way to escape Soviet conformism. He also believed that a fascist revolution could end the present age of decay, and Eurasia. The ENR has always been a metapolitical movement; rather than aiming to participate in the political process, the ENR tried to pursue a strategy of modifying the postwar liberal democratic political culture. This strategy was adopted from the theory of cultural hegemony of Italian communist Antonio Gramsci The cultural hegemony can be considered as established when the ideology of a contesting political force is perceived as common sense within society.
Aleksandr Dugin's Foundations of Geopolitics
For example, he believes in a mythology that tens of thousands of years ago there were two ancient civilizations, one called Atlantis, and one called Hyperborea. Scientifically, these never existed, they are just myths. Dugin believes that the values of Atlantis were individualism, human rights, reason, science, cooperation, and order, and ultimately, things fundamentally grounded in an earthly existence, whereas the Hyperboreans had access to divine knowledge and a mysticism beyond the limits of this mere planet. Dugin believes that Atlantis and Hyperborea were engaged in an ancient war over their totally different value sets and that this war continues to this day.
Dugin’s Evil Theology
In , he and his friend Geydar Dzhemal joined the nationalist group Pamyat. He helped to write the political program for the newly refounded Communist Party of the Russian Federation under the leadership of Gennady Zyuganov. He believes that it was "by no means the racist and chauvinist aspects of National Socialism that determined the nature of its ideology. The excesses of this ideology in Germany are a matter exclusively of the Germans Dugin also collaborated with the weekly journal Den The Day , previously directed by Alexander Prokhanov. He adds: "We want patriotic radio, TV, patriotic experts, patriotic clubs.
Alexander Dugin I am beginning to understand why in some societies the plague gods were revered and worshipped. The coming of the plague allows for a complete renewal of societies. The epidemic has no logic and spares neither the noble nor the rich, nor the powerful. It destroys everyone indiscriminately, and brings people back to the simple fact of being. The plague gods are the fairest. Antonin Artaud wrote about this, comparing theater to the plague. The purpose of the theater, according to Artaud, is, with all possible cruelty, to return man to the fact that he is, that he is here and now, a fact which he persistently and consistently seeks to forget.